欧德伟

Using the 2015 Latinobarómetro we test the relationship between two kinds of gender equality, labor gender equality and overall gender equality, and two kinds of trust, political trust and social trust in a series of regressions. The results show that gender equality is positively associated with social and political trust. In particular, the magnitude of association of labor gender equality with social trust is greater than that of overall gender equality. Also, the magnitude of association of overall gender equality with political trust is greater than that of labor gender equality. Our paper contributes to the literature by demonstrating that overall gender equality and labor gender equality have varying association with trust depending on types of trust.

We conducted on-site investigations, interviews with cadres and surveys of trainees at a county/district-level Party school in an eco- nomically typical city and county. Our findings show that operational dilemmas lead to the perfunctory implementation of policy that is substantively deficient. These operational dilemmas are likely to be found in varying degrees in other county/district Party schools. Our finding that cadre education and training policy is implemented in a pro forma manner suggests that cadres may not be receiving the ideological education and practical training intended for them by the centre.

Egalitarianism is highest in education, while attitudes in the domain of work are on a trajectory to become more egalitarian than in politics. To identify what factors contribute to attitudinal change the Hierarchical Age-Period-Cohort (HAPC) model is used. Age effects are always significant, and there is a U-shaped relationship between age and egalitarianism. Period effects are moderately significant and cohort effects are less statistically significant. Higher education levels are associated with higher levels of gender egalitarianism for women than for men. While rural residency is associated with less egalitarian gender attitudes, rural residency for women is associated with more egalitarian attitudes than for men. These results suggest that an age-, domain- and gender-specific approach is helpful to understand gender attitudes in the public sphere in modern China.

瑞典民主党长期以来被认为是边缘化的极端政党，其崛起原因可以从两大方面来分析：一是在议题方面移民政治日益凸显，而移民政治又关涉福利制度、社会融入和社会治安；二是在政党政治方面主流政党对移民议题缺乏有效的回应。瑞典民主党的持续崛起，打破了社民党长期的主导地位，使得政府组成问题日益复杂，而此次选举突破不仅使得政权从左翼阵营转移到右翼阵营手中，也使该党在新的右翼政府组成中拥有最大的话语权。瑞典的多元文化主义和以移民政策为核心的内政政策体系正在发生重大转向。

We also find a significant link between acceptance of male superiority and acceptance of corruption. In the relationship between gender and attitudes toward corruption, gender system is a consistently statistically significant predictor of acceptance of corruption whereas gender is not. The predictive power of acceptance of patriarchy and male superiority on corruption holds even with extensive controls. These results provide insight into the link between gender and corruption and suggest some of the wide-ranging effects of gender system on the political system.

Widespread international outsourcing of manufacturing has made intellectual property a key asset for private companies strengthening tendencies of earlier-movers to formulate and enforce strict intellectual property laws. This suggests that countries like China respond not only to pressure from earlier-movers like the United States to increase intellectual property protection, but are also driven by concerns against their own later-movers. Perhaps curiously, if the hierarchy of movers shifts, the relative interest in intellectual property enforcement will as well, and China will seek to protect its goods against infringement by the likes of the United States and Japan someday.

This is a drastic break from the recent past when schooling, not elderly care, absorbed the attention of policy makers. These societies are directly influenced by Confucian culture and history, and are comparable from a developmental perspective (e.g. scoring 0.894, 0.922, and 0.975 respectively on the Health dimension of the Human Development Index in 2011) (UNDP 2013), but have been under very distinctive political systems with very different administrative histories.

I Sverige talar vi istället ofta om folkrörelser och i såväl politiska dokument som i den egna självbilden har folkrörelser traditionellt sett benämnts närmast synonymt med civilsamhället och den ideella sektorn. I och med regeringens proposition "En Politik för det Civila Samhället" ersattes den officiella folkrörelsepolitiken 2009 med en officiell ”politik om det civila samhället” och i samma proposition konstaterar regeringen att ”den svenska demokratins historia till stora delar är det civila samhällets historia” (Prop. 2009/10:55). Demokratiska rättigheter som allmän och lika rösträtt, jämställdhet och offentlighetsprincipen hade sannolikt inte varit en självklarhet idag utan den kamp människor fört utifrån sitt ideella engagemang.

In the literature that focuses citizens’ attitudinal political support, the relationship has been tested through the use of proxies for behavior. In the literature that focuses states’ actions to coax compliance out of citizens, the relationship is derived from behavior. To begin fill this gap in the research, the paper estimates country-level correlations between standard measures of attitudinal political support and a compliant behavior index generated by us. Using data from comparative survey studies (attitudinal support) and official records (compliant behav- ior), we find a strong and consistent correlation between the two key variables.

Drawing from the work of state-centered structuralists, rational choice-inspired theorists, as well as studies of the relationship between state and extractive capacity, state capacity is defined as the ability of the state to dominate, i.e. coax compliant behavior from, the individuals of a given territory and operationalized as tax compliance (as measured by the size of the shadow economy relative all legal economic activity). Large-n correlations as well as regression tests show that this operationalization has convergent and discriminant validity, as well as explanatory power. A paired comparison between China and India suggests that this operationalization is able to account for the differences in apparent governance capacity and development performance that other governance measurements cannot.